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By Siraje Lubwama

The Monitor, Sat Oct 9 1999

When the Union Jack was pulled down at Kololo Airstrip in Kampala on Tuesday October, 9 1962, President Yoweri Museveni might have been a secondary school student.

None of the cheerful Ugandans present then could have predicted that the door was open for dictators in Uganda.

Millions of Ugandans seem to have realised that independence was a curse because why else would it have brought dictators one after another, killing millions and forcing several others into exile.

Various Movement personalities like President Museveni, Prof. Apolo Nsibambi, Eriya Kategaya, NPC Wapa and Mulindwa Birimumaaso always blame the political, economic and social turmoil the country has undergone on political parties. But this is far from the truth.

The real seeds of grim tragedy were sown by the British who created elites and cultivated crippling divisions between the north and south of the country.

They watched from a distance as the new independent government, a coalition between Obote's Uganda People's Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka (KY) was formed. The KY party was formed to safeguard the interests of the Kabaka.

This marriage of convenience outmaneuvered the Democratic Party (DP) founded by Catholic revolution to fight for truth and justice. It was all peaceful until 1966 when a disagreement within the cabinet started. Five ministers were arrested for planning a palace coup with the connivance of the Kabaka of Buganda, Sir Edward Mutesa II. Mutesa was Uganda's president then. These Ministers were Grace Ibingira, Magezi, Dr Lumu, Mathias Ngobi and Kirya.

Obote who was the executive prime minister ordered the army to attack the palace. Mutesa fled to Britain via Rwanda where he died late in 1969.

In April 1967, Obote, backed by the army, tore up the independence constitution, abolished kingdoms and turned Uganda into a republic with himself as the president. Thus, plunging the country into a bitter political strife which has persisted up to now.

Little did Obote know that the same army will topple him a few years later. Proud as he was, he introduced socialism under the 'Common Man's Charter' and social reforms under a phrase, "one country, one people, one party, one parliament and one destiny."

However, relations between him and the army commander Idi Amin and Obote were strained following the disappearance of 2.3 million pounds in the ministry of defence. Obote wanted Amin to explain. Amin refused and in January 1971, Amin toppled him in a military coup, while he was in Singapore attending a Commonwealth summit. He was exiled in Tanzania.

But Amin did not come into power independently. The British were the first to back Amin because Obote had partially nationalised their investments. They did not know Amin was to be worse than Obote.

In 1972 Amin expelled Asian and Israelis in Uganda. He nationalised 250 million pounds worth of British investment. He became cruel.

He killed many of his opponents in cold blood and he continued to rule in a regime full of murder and terror.

The only positive aspect about Amin's regime was that it placed the country's economy in the hands of Ugandans. He also set up a cabinet where the majority were Christians. It was hence regarded as the best in Africa at the time.

In Tanzania, Obote and Museveni waged a guerilla war to topple Amin. And in April 1979 Uganda National Liberations Army (UNLA), backed by Tanzania People's Defence Force (TPDF) overthrew Amin. Tanzania brought in Prof. Yusuf Lule as president, but he only lasted 68 days. Museveni, the then minister of state for Defence is alleged to have ordered the army to shoot at the people who were demonstrating against the removal of Prof Lule. Some demonstrators were reportedly killed and others injured. Lule was replaced by Godfrey Lukongwa Binaisa QC, Obote's henchman who drafted the 1967 Constitution.

Binaisa was removed from power after only 11 months. Paul Muwanga led the new government as Chairman of the Military Council (MC) and Museveni was his deputy. In the meantime, many lives were being claimed by all these changes.

In 1980, Muwanga organised the first general elections after 18 years. Obote came back from exile and became UPC's candidate. DP was about to be declared winner, when Muwanga stepped in and took over powers of the Electoral Commission. The next day, he declared UPC winner, a decision which was shammed by many Ugandans and the international community.

The British took the lead in the international rehabilitation of Obote who after more than eight years in exile was a repentant socialist. He accepted massive amounts of money from the World Bank and handed over the running of a economy to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). There was so much money in circulation chasing few goods but the people did not fill the pinch.

Museveni, said to have been nursing a childhood dream of becoming president, seized the chance and waged a guerilla war against Obote's government, contesting the results of the elections. Many Baganda and Rwandese refugees joined him.

The DP, under a weak leadership of Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere did not boycott the parliament despite election rigging. It powered an ineffective opposition hence a shadow cabinet. Real opposition was to emerge from the bush in 1981 under the leadership of Museveni, Andrew Kayiira and George Nkwanga. Many civilians were massacred by both the government forces and anti- government forces in Luwero Triangle.

Within a year, the guerillas were able to strike Kampala. The British government kept silent over the chilling reports of atrocities. Obote continued to be credible even in Africa.

After the death of Obote's chief of staff, David Oyite in a helicopter, relations between the Acholi and Langi in the army became strained. In July 1985 the army led by Bazilio Okello and Tito Okello took power in a military coup.

The coup helped Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) make headway. Museveni refused to recognise the military regime saying many of its members were implicated in past atrocities. The Nairobi peace talks turned out to be a joke when Museveni's NRA captured power.

At the swearing-in ceremony Museveni promised fundamental change. The crowd cheered him loudly.

But in the shadows it was committing atrocities like smoking human beings in train wagons. As usual, the British government continued to praise Museveni's regime. And it is still doing so!