The Army
A lot of effort needs to be directed towards the creation of a national army since Uganda's army problem has to do with structural anomalies, particularly the power struggles between Army Commander and Chief of Staff. One of these positions ought to be eliminated because tensions between them have been the source of military coups. We really need to reform the military structure. There is no need why Presidents have to be members of the Defense Council or High Command. A president should be briefed by a team of his/her national security team, without him or her being a member of the high command. Their presence [president] inhibits rational decision-making given the amuri ni amuri (an order is an order) culture within the command structure. It would of course help if we had a joint chief position where the army, air force and may be navy [we need it to man our waters] chiefs would be in charge.
A lot of effort needs to be directed towards the creation of a national army since Uganda's army problem has to do with structural anomalies, particularly the power struggles between Army Commander and Chief of Staff. One of these positions ought to be eliminated because tensions between them have been the source of military coups. We really need to reform the military structure. There is no need why Presidents have to be members of the Defense Council or High Command. A president should be briefed by a team of his/her national security team, without him or her being a member of the high command. Their presence [president] inhibits rational decision-making given the amuri ni amuri (an order is an order) culture within the command structure. It would of course help if we had a joint chief position where the army, air force and may be navy [we need it to man our waters] chiefs would be in charge.
It is a fact that the army tends to have lesser-educated folks everywhere than their air force/navy colleagues, yet in Uganda's case, the army has been elevated above everything else. Kenya has had Chiefs of Defense forces from the army, air force and now navy. The rigid structure in Uganda needs to be reviewed and changed. Reading the transcript of the Junker helicopter inquiry, shows a system at fault. Nobody could have stopped the deal because the order came from above [read Y K Museveni]. In military hierarchy, order is order although the Nuremberg trials put that argument to shame, and following orders is no longer a valid Defense. Our experience cries for the up or out rule because many of the men who rose to the senior ranks and caused so much havoc, should have been forced out long before, had we had that rule in place, and perhaps, just perhaps, Uganda's history would have been different. Good effective armies do not allow people to stay at certain ranks for so long - you either measure and move up or you leave the forces period.
The army will be handled centrally as in most federations. But, how do we create a representative army? Today, ethnicity and religion determine whether you will be recruited, sponsored for further military training etc. Within UPDF today, being a Munyankole is just half of the equation. Senior ranks are made up of mostly protestant Bahima, something that has created bad feelings within Banyankole. This is, however, not new. During Amin's time, people from Northwestern Uganda mostly dominated the Uganda Army. Of course it helped if you were also Muslim or converted to Islam. During the early 80's, chaps from the former districts of Teso, Lango, Acholi and the Alur dominated the army. Of course UPDF is now dominated by chaps from Ankole and Kigezi. So why don't we learn?
The problems lie in the biased recruitment strategies. Moreover, Federo itself will not help. Why? Federo will not restrict where Ugandans can and cannot work. Suppose recruitment was to be strictly done on one's place (read region/state) of birth, what do you do to a Mugisha/Opolot who was born in Kampala or a Musoke/Ojok born in Mbale?
It is perfectly possible to have Mugisha try out recruitment in both Mbarara and Kampala, just as Musoke may opt to recruit both in Mbale and Masaka, Ojok in Lira and Mbale, Opolot in Kampala and Kumi. Such a scenario may work against regional representation, which we must embrace for the sake of balance within the army. Nobody can claim with a straight face anymore that certain regions are under represented because people from those regions shun military recruitment. If the process from recruitment, training, promotion and deployment was fair and open, Uganda can have a representative army. How do we achieve this when all Ugandans have the right to claim Kampala district and other areas as their legitimate places of birth? How would the army deal with the scenario above?
By having recruitment in the army on the same day throughout the country, so that those who fail in one area do not try their chances elsewhere. This is indeed feasible. All the army has to do is ask all potential recruits in the country to report to their respective administrative Headquarters to apply in writing. Physical and other tests would follow latter.
There is no question that unless Uganda and other African countries create representative armies, we shall not achieve lasting peace. All we do is transfer misery from one region to the other, without dealing with the root causes of the instability.
The army structure must be changed and made accountable to parliamentary oversight. The politicians must get out of military fora such as Defense council/high command, then Uganda may finally have an army where politics is minimized. This however is easily said than done because ethnicity will continue to matter. The question then is: should we continue to pretend that ethnicity does not matter or acknowledge that it does and deal with it?
Look at all the senior military positions in past armies and now. It was then no coincidence that most senior army offices came from specific regions, and neither is it now that most senior officers come from one region. Interestingly though, many are willing to defend past military composition as necessary and inevitable, while condemning the present, and of course vice versa. How can we end this?
There should be equal number of federal military personnel recruited and stationed in their respective states. The heads of these battalions, or whatever, would be members of a Joint Military Council, headed by an officer, chosen from among them, for a fixed term of service. The mandate of the military would be solely for protecting the sovereignty of the nation.
Considering the history of Uganda, any physical abuse of any civilian by military personnel should be severely punished.
It is imperative that the army people must also get out of parliament, as the idea to have them there defeats the concept of demilitarising politics. Persons in active service in the army should not engage in any form of politics, considering that such an act calls for complete resignation from the former.
It is proposed that a national security council by an act of parliament to deal with the welfare of the army is established. Promotions should be on merit. The army should be assisted to be productive and self-sustaining.
The Police and related organs
The idea of the decentralizing the police force is long overdue. What the central government should do is share police expenses with the regions (federal states when we get there) - the districts in some percentage. As things stand, the folks who live in rural areas have no [police] protection of any sort yet they too pay taxes. The current model of having police in mostly urban areas is outdated and elitist. Districts should be able to recruit their own police services IF the centre is not willing to re-deploy the police widely. From what I read there is something called the Local Defence Unit (LDC) - can anyone tell us more what they do and how they are recruited and compensated if any! Many districts had administration "Askaris" mostly at Ssaza and Gombolola headquarters. I am sure if there is the political goodwill, police services could be decentralized to such centres for now. Our country faces far too many problems, and we must not be naive to think that decentralization or federalism for that matter will be the panacea. Far from it, as the wrangles in Kampala district demonstrate, things could actually get messy if not implemented properly.
The idea of the decentralizing the police force is long overdue. What the central government should do is share police expenses with the regions (federal states when we get there) - the districts in some percentage. As things stand, the folks who live in rural areas have no [police] protection of any sort yet they too pay taxes. The current model of having police in mostly urban areas is outdated and elitist. Districts should be able to recruit their own police services IF the centre is not willing to re-deploy the police widely. From what I read there is something called the Local Defence Unit (LDC) - can anyone tell us more what they do and how they are recruited and compensated if any! Many districts had administration "Askaris" mostly at Ssaza and Gombolola headquarters. I am sure if there is the political goodwill, police services could be decentralized to such centres for now. Our country faces far too many problems, and we must not be naive to think that decentralization or federalism for that matter will be the panacea. Far from it, as the wrangles in Kampala district demonstrate, things could actually get messy if not implemented properly.
There should be a two tier-police: one federal and one managed by the states. The federal police will be responsible for laws regarding inter-state commerce, human rights issues, and federal-related crimes. The state police will be responsible for every day police work in their states.
It is proposed to start with a strong, well-equipped, educated and politicized police force. Then draft the role of the army in Uganda and should only be limited to external aggression and contained in barracks. Drafting the army using regional demographics might not be fair as some area are less than 4% of the population. One thing we should learn from is dominating the army with minority tribes, which always seem to be on the offensive, intimidating the majority and often hunted when the winds blow the other way. The structure of the army has always reflected who is in charge and most tribes are left with no choice but to go with whoever is in charge since the citizens have always resorted to witch-hunting. When the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces (from Tanzania) and UNLF (front unifying clusters of exiled Ugandan forces) entered Uganda in 1979, they have always asked one question: "Wapi askari ya Amin?" Askari ya Amin was supposed to be the Ugandan Army and most of those now hunting "askari ya Amin" are actually askari ya Amin! It is like dog chasing its tail. Many Ugandans who answered the call to serve their nation are dead just because they served within the army and not because they personally committed atrocities. A strong army with the help of a police force can deal with individuals within the army who act negatively from the norm.
